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Jews here in America lumped them together as if they were an inchoate mass. Indeed, they were a conglomerate cherishing disparate religious rites, opinions, and prejudices. Most of them were Orthodox; a few were anti-religious politi cal radicals. There was no decade in all American Jewish history which did not shelter some Jews from these Eastern territories.

Mordecai M. Mordecai, an eighteenth-century Pennsylvania fron tier distiller, came from Telz in Lithuania, later the seat of a famous rab binical academy. These East Europeans were literally everywhere, often in perceptible numbers. Occasionally, in the second half of the nineteenth century, Poles and Russians moved into a town before Central Europeans. Often it is difficult to determine whether they were Ger man-speaking Prussian citizens or Yiddish-speaking Russian Poles.

Not improbably many were Russians. Los Angeles also sheltered a number of these so-called Poles, or real Poles, like the Goldwaters, who came to town in that decade. His base was Denver, where he died in Many of the transmississippi Lithuanians came from the Russian-ruled province of Suwalki. Untoward economic circumstances compelled them to leave; those who followed hoped to do as well as those who had already left.

Abraham Rachofsky, of Colorado, a Suwalkian, brought over his family and in the course of time became the patriarch of a clan which docu mented its Americanization with the following names: Ross, Rice, Rich, Rayor, Ray. More than one Russian-Polish congregation and ghetto ex isted on the south and west sides of town. By , the Chicago East Eu ropeans could even boast of their own Yiddish journal.

Some came from the same village in Russia; one served as a magnet to draw others. This man, Harris Franklin, invested successfully in mines, railroads, and banks. The antebellum East European American Diaspora found Jews not only in the Far West and in most, if not all, midwestern states and territories, but also in the Deep South. These Russian and Polish newcomers were in Charles ton, South Carolina, in the late eighteenth century.

Louis that same decade. In Buffalo, they outnumbered the Germans, and they were very numerous in Pittsburgh. By , it bears repeating, they were found everywhere, as individuals or groups, in every major town. The immigra tion statistics would seem to support this belief. Actually, New York City sometimes sheltered about half of all the Jews in the country. Certain facts are incontestable.

By , the newcomers had their own congrega tion of about eighty members; they held services, studied Talmud, and as sembled a basic rabbinical library. For this small group, the Russo-Jewish religious way of life had made the transatlantic crossing successfully.

In a very few years, they had a building of their own. They were fortunate in that the aged Sampson Simson, of Shearith Israel, subsidized them liber ally. He was Orthodox and wealthy, for his farm holdings in Westchester County had increased in value. That the newcomers were ready to estab lish religious institutions of their own is documented by the legal inquiry of an Orthodox functionary.

Rabbi Judah Middleman wrote to a scholar in Europe inquiring whether it was permissible to purchase a church and use it as a synagog. The answer was in the affirmative. In the next de cades, numerous churches would be purchased by Jewish congregations in all parts of the country. Scholarly East European rabbis began to find their way to the American ghettos as Russians, Poles, and Rumanians settled here in ever increasing numbers.

Among those who came were Joseph Moses Aaronson d. Aaronson was learned, but an abrasive difficult person; he quarreled with his members and his colleagues. Bitter, internecine feuds were typi cal of rabbinic relations; they were the rule not the exception. Aaronson had no use for Ash, who was the first rabbi of the synagog and com munity.

The two decades after saw a number of immigrants from the Slavic lands attain affluence as whole salers and garment manufacturers. Others were shopkeepers. In , James J. Hill, the railroad entrepreneur, sent the scholarly Herman Ro senthal to Japan to report on economic opportunities there. Even the Hassidim had found their way here and elected to live religiously as a separate enclave. In one of the prayer groups, the members fought vigor ously over the title of the presiding officer.

Was he a parnas or a presi dent? Note also the American ized name of Rabbi Middleman. In , a placard in Hebrew appealed to Jews, asking them to vote for Albert Joseph Car- dozo as judge. Vote for the Jew, he is easy on you when you violate the Sunday closing law! In , there was a Yiddish paper of sorts, a Hebrew bookstore, and by a Hebrew journal. Present, too, were an assortment of Russian and Polish scholarly literary Enlighteners, Maskilim, who evoked but little enthusiasm from the artisans and petty tradesmen struggling to stay alive.

Among these learned immigrants was the Pole Phinehas Mendel Heilprin, talmudist and political liberal, who had fled Hungary after the failure of the revolution. The Heilprins were a highly cultured and remarkable clan. Obviously, the East European Jews were beginning to make their presence felt politically. That there were 50, of them is a conservative estimate; thus they constituted a relatively large minority of the community which amounted then to about , Jews in the United States.

It was a long trek from Russia to American ports. They fled because of brutal con scription laws which did not even spare teenaged youngsters. In an age when only France and Holland were free, Russia was particularly distin guished for its denial of basic human and political rights to Jews.

For the East Europe ans in those early days, the lure of American opportunity loomed large. Tyson dwelt on the despotism of czarist society. The sufferings of Jews in those Eastern lands were notorious. It was difficult for them to make headway eco nomically; their opportunities were limited. The Jews were also penned into the Pale of Settlement. The Polish insurrection of probably in duced some Jews to leave for the West; there were riots in Odessa in ; the pogroms in , following the assassination of Alexander II, set off a mass exodus.

Most Jews were not directly affected by the po- Page 15 - [see page image] 14 groms, but it became the style to pick up and sail for the Golden Land across the seas. In addition, there were periods of economic distress. The Jews became the ideal scapegoat, and the government did little to hinder the riots in Revolution was in the air; many of the Jewish intelligentsia were numbered among the radicals.

The May Laws of drove many Jews off the land; they were no longer allowed to settle in rural areas or to own or lease properties in the countryside. In a way, these harsh prescriptions were duplicated in the United States in the twentieth century, when somewhat similar laws were enacted against Japanese aliens. Compelled now to seek new forms of livelihood, country Jews found that prejudices, prevailing disabilities, and corrupt administrators made it very difficult for them to secure an economic foothold in the cities.

Even in the Pale, not all towns were open to Jewish settlement. Limitations were imposed on school and college attendance and teaching; there were restrictions on jury duty and discrimination in taxation as well as in the pursuit of trade and com merce. The rigid Sunday laws meant that observant Jews lost two days a week, Saturday and Sunday, a severe disability for those engaged in com merce.

Even after the pogroms, most Russian Jews opted to remain, but many in Russia proper—that is, outside the Pale—were stricken when in mass expulsions from Moscow and other cities became the order of the day. Certainly conditions did not improve as the twentieth century began. By that time the published judicial interpretations of discrimina tory regulations filled a book of about 1, pages. The Panslavist Rus sians barely tolerated the followers of the Mosaic Law.

The Jews were not the only victims of Russian Orthodox intolerance; Protestants, too, were oppressed and made miserable. The goal of the Romanov dynasty was re- ligiocultural homogeneity. A popular statement ascribed to Konstantin Petrovich Pobedonostev, the procurator of the Holy Russian Synod and a close associate of the czar, had it that one-third of the Jews would be compelled to emigrate, one-third would be converted, and the remaining third would die off.

The Romanovs, entrenched in medievalism, refused to profit from history. As late as , Menahem Mendel Beilis, a humble Jewish arti san, was charged with ritual murder—accused of killing a Christian boy in order to use his blood for religious purposes. Beilis languished in jail for two years before his acquittal. Then came the horrors of World War I and the revolution of The Jewish world breathed a sigh of relief.

Finally, after a long century of discriminatory legislation, all anti-Jewish Page 16 - [see page image] The East European Jews disabilities were removed in , but the new Communist rulers saw to it that the Jewish religion was practically interdicted. For most Jews, this was a disaster. But this was not the worst; hundreds of pogroms erupted in the Ukraine; many thousands were murdered in Oppres sion, constant for decades, impelled many to leave, to infiltrate the lands of Central and Western Europe.

Though often not welcomed by fellow Jews in those countries, the refugees crawled into the interstitial spaces. Rumania was just emerging from feudalism; gypsies were held in a state of slavery to The Great Powers at the Congress of Berlin in ordered the new Rumania to emancipate its Jews, but nothing helped; Jews in that country remained aliens, deprived for the most part of natu ralization, though they were native-born.

Their rights were circum scribed. Galicia, under Austrian rule, tolerated no pogroms, but the pov erty was intense. Many here, too, lifted their eyes and followed the sun westward to the promise of a new land. Thus East European Jews were not missing among the millions of non-Jews who were landing in the American ports.

Indeed, emigration had become almost a fashion—a popular form of adventure that appealed to ambitious youngsters. Practically none of the disabilities current in Eu ropean lands were present in the United States. There were no pogroms, there was no conscription. This was indeed a Golden Land. With speedy and cheap transportation, space and time were almost abolished. America had been touched upon in Hebrew and Yiddish books in Europe ever since the early nineteenth century; by the second half of the century Jewish papers in Eastern Europe, in Russian, Hebrew, and Yiddish, were allotting space to the United States and its Jewry.

There were difficulties, they pointed out. There was prejudice there, too, against Jews—if nothing comparable to what Jews met in Russia, Poland, and Rumania. It was not easy in America to be an observant Orthodox Jew; keeping kosher was a problem. But—and this was important— church and state were separated; religious and political liberty prevailed; Page 17 - [see page image] 16 public educational facilities were open to all; there were no conscription laws; the German Jews here had established agencies for charity; and, above all, there were opportunities to work and make a living.

Many Jews read the Yiddish tales of the Russian writer Isaac Mayer Dick , who made the United States look attractive: it was better to go there than to Palestine; individual Jews often acquired wealth. She would have been very much interested, if not appalled, but she should have known that in the United States nothing was impossible.

Yet these millions of emigrants did not diminish the size of the Russian Jew ish community since the annual natural increase in that land was always larger than the numbers who emigrated. From to , about 70 percent of all arriving East European Jews came from Russia, some 20 percent from Austria-Hungary, a little less than 4 percent from Rumania.

Next to the Italians, the Jews constituted the largest body of emigres in the years after For a variety of reasons, many of the newly arriving Jews decided to remain in New York City permanently. They had no money to travel farther and the city offered them Jewish companionship, religious institutions, and above all jobs. By , about 30 percent of all the inhabitants in New York City were Jews.

On the way over, the mi grants had been helped, to a degree, by coreligionists, Austrians, Ger mans, French, and English. These European Jews were happy to speed the travelers on their way west. Over here, they were aided by a number of ad hoc societies set up by the earlier settlers or by the newcomers themselves. The national organizations established by the natives and the Germans did not always work together in harmony. They came to stay and brought or sent for their families; a substantial number were illiterate though many were skilled workers.

Jews and Italians, impoverished, brought little capital with them when they landed; they were lucky they were able to borrow money for a ticket or had a sibling who lent them something to help make the trip. Some even contracted to pay for the passage on the install ment plan. Quite a number of the Jews were tailors, master workers, who had acquired experience in shops or garment factories back home; many were artisans who had learned to live by their skills.

Despite governmen tal obstruction back home, they had been trained to cope with an urban industrial economy. The port of entry records point out that, for the pe riod up to , the degree of illiteracy among the Jewish arrivals was high, about 26 percent. Very few of the men or women who landed had ever attended a Russian elementary school; they were not welcomed there, and in any case, Christologically oriented institutions were avoided by East European ghetto Jews.

However, the figures on illiteracy merit closer scrutiny. A govern ment study, published by an immigration commission in , shows that over 90 percent of the Russian Hebrew workers could read and write. Another study in indicates that illiteracy among these newcomers was something less than 15 percent. All this is confusing. In all probabil ity, literacy among the Jewish newcomers was relatively high; the refugees who came here after seem to have had some schooling.

It is also true that the general average of literacy was pulled down because a substantial number of Jewish women had not been taught to read and write; there was a relatively high rate of illiteracy among them. It is by no means im probable, too, that the literacy tests were badly administered.

A card was no doubt flashed and the newcomer given little time to respond. The ex aminers, civil servants, were often hostile to Jewish immigrants. The men who came brought their wives or began saving to bring them over; it was often years before they had the necessary sum. This de termination to stay and sink their roots they shared with the Irish. The Irish summarily rejected their English overlords; the Jews despised the Russian authorities; there was nothing for them in Russia or Rumania.

Yet many of the newcomers did return. This was certainly true in periods when the mobs in Eastern Europe were quiescent. Some of the immi grants who landed were paupers; they may have been dispatched by com munities eager to get rid of them. Sending the luckless to America, to the colonies, was a European tradition going back for centuries.

The Jewish charities here were not hesitant to ship them back; it was a money-saving expedient. Some who were returned by agencies or went back on their Page 19 - [see page image] United States Jewry, own were shipped on cattle boats and had to work out their passage with hard, grueling labor. For some, factory and field labor had been too stren uous; others despaired of living a Jewish religious life here.

Many, too, re turned for business reasons or because of a death in the family; for others, the tempo here was unbearable. With the failure of the Russian rev olution and the onset of a counterliberal trend, reaction, many Jews surely thought twice before returning to the Russian cauldron. What percentage of Jews did return to their native lands? Hungarian and Italian Gentiles returned in large numbers; over 50 percent of the Italians yearned for the solace of their beloved Italy; over 60 percent of the Hungarians bought return tickets.

And the Jews? About 6 percent of the Jewish Russians, Poles, and Rumanians who landed were to return to their native lands. Some of these came back later, many thousands of them. The percent age is small but if 2,, of the Children of Israel came over, then at least , went back, a substantial number for whom America was not the Promised Land.

An analysis has been made above of the characteristics of these refu gees upon landing. They were not one huge amorphous glob. A few were Russian-speaking high school or college men; some of these were politi cal radicals, Marxists for the most part. This was certainly true of some of the intelligentsia who came after the revolution. Among the 2,, were numerous westernized Hebraists, Enlighteners, Maski- lim, autodidacts; there were large numbers of petty businessmen and hun dreds of thousands of artisans.

With the exception of the few college men and women and a number of left-oriented workmen, the typical immi grant was a Yiddish-speaking Orthodox Jew with very little secular schooling. In , there were about , Jews in the United States; in , the year after the Russian massacres, emigration from the Romanov Empire more than dou bled. Most of the 13, Jewish refugees landed in New York, a city that then sheltered about 60, Jews.

This massive wave shocked and fright ened the earlier settlers; the exoticism of the newcomers dismayed them. Following the American tradition of xenophobia, Jews here have always looked askance at new arrivals. In no sense did this mean that impover ished emigres were not helped. The demands of kinship prevailed, though most often Jewish natives dreaded the arrival of newcomers as a financial burden and a possible source of discredit to the established Jews who were making a place for themselves.

By the mid-nineteenth century, the Jews of Europe and America felt it imperative that persecuted coreli gionists be emancipated in their homelands. They would then not de scend on their fellow Jews in Western Europe and the United States; all through the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Jews here and abroad worked to effect that emancipation. Ameri can Jews were invited to sit in at these meetings and they did.

These Jew ish conferences could not always decide whether to tolerate emigration or to work for emancipation. They certainly preferred the latter, but if there was to be emigration, then let it be orderly and selective. Paupers and the unskilled were to be kept at home. When refugees persisted in leaving their homelands in Russia, Poland, and Rumania, their Western European hosts pushed them on to the United States, and when they arrived in numbers at New York, they were again pushed westward to the hinter land.

When conditions were bad abroad—and they always were—Jews in the United States turned to Washington, to the Presidents and the Secre taries of State, hoping that they would remonstrate with offending gov ernments so that Jews would not be compelled to leave their native lands. If Jews could be helped in their native lands, Jews here would be spared the problem of digesting the thousands of aliens; the kinship tug would be satisfied and America would have fulfilled herself as the great exponent of liberty and freedom for all peoples everywhere.

On the whole, the United States govern ment has nearly always been sympathetic to the appeals of its Jewish citi zens, though its European representatives, diplomatic and consular, have as a rule been uncooperative, if not unsympathetic and even hostile. Ad hering to the formalities of protocol, the authorities at Washington have nearly always maintained that they could not interfere in the domestic Page 21 - [see page image] 20 concerns of a foreign state.

There have, however, been notable exceptions when Presidents and their Secretaries of State have sincerely tried to help the distressed Jews of Eastern Europe. To be sure, political considerations —Jewish votes—were never absent. It is interesting, if not instructive, to note that the standard histories of diplomacy have very little to say about American intervention abroad on behalf of suffering Jews.

The situation for Jews in Rumania was always bad, but in American Jewry determined to do something about it. It was hoped that Peixotto would put an end to attacks on Jews and work toward emancipation, thus keep ing the Jews of Rumania at home. This he set out to do. At least, there were no serious riots during the period of his incumbency , but even he had his moments of dismay, for in he was of the opin ion that migration was the only hope for the Jews of that unhappy land. In , the European powers met at the Congress of Berlin and insisted on the emancipation of all the peoples in the Balkans, including the Jews.

Rumania accepted the fiat of the Congress, but evaded its obligations by declaring all Jews aliens, subject to naturalization. Of the many thousands in the land, only a relatively few were permitted to attain citizenship; the oppression continued.

It is not without significance that American Jewry -one of the smallest congeries—deliberately set out in to solve an international Jewish problem. This Jewry even then was reaching out for recognition; here one sees the first faint strivings for World Jewish hege mony. The Gentile world and Jews everywhere were shocked when in April , the Russian peasants and city mobs began killing Jews.

Jews here were slow to respond to these outrages, but they did mount protests in which they were joined by their Christian neighbors. Russia was always looked upon as a land of barbarians. Free bets cannot be redeemed for cash at any time.

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